1971 in the sorrowful articulation of Pakistani columnist Naqvi

 

1971 in the sorrowful articulation of Pakistani columnist Naqvi

 

An examination of the freedom war of Bangladesh and its specific situation, A statement of 1971 in the sorrowful articulation of Pakistani columnist Naqvi, social and political occasions uncovers three sides. Pakistan, Bangladesh and India. It has been expounded on Bangladesh, it will be, it will be. Shahriar Kabir expounds in detail on Indian strategy producers. So what did Pakistani policymakers think around '71?

Antiquarian, author and Dhaka University teacher Muntasir Mamun, University Press Limited (UPL) overseeing chief Mohiuddin Ahmed and scientist, essayist and columnist Afsan Chowdhury visited Pakistan in the most recent seven day stretch of February 1997 to discover the response to that question. In the book named 'Those Pakistanis', Muntasir Mamun gives a meeting to the individuals as a preface to that movement story. The book manages some of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's nearby partners, a few commanders and their nearby partners straightforwardly associated with the decimation in East Pakistan, previous common officials, scholarly people, analysts, college instructors, understudies, political activists and human rights activists. Meetings with staff, writers have been introduced. One of them is Mohammad Bakir Naqvi, also called MB Naqvi.

Naqvi was one of the main columnists in Pakistan. Worked in Dhaka Morning News. Shahidullah Kaiser, Zahur Ahmad Chowdhury and others were associates and companions. In spite of the fact that he was not associated with reporting at the hour of his meeting, he was notable in Pakistan as a feature writer. He passed on in November 2009.

At the point when the meeting was taken, MB Naqvi was then more than seventy. Flimsy however upstanding. He invited the visitors and situated them in a straightforward parlor. Clearly he had obtained the house some way or another, however now the circumstance resembles 'Commotion ani racket khaiyer'. After a wonderful trade, it turned out to be evident that his condition was as it truly might have been. He used to compose a section in the Pakistani every 'Day break'. This was his lone pay around then. He needed to hold up under the weight of the world. It is comprehended that he did news coverage yet didn't bring in cash utilizing his calling.

Naqvi stated, "We should have tea before beginning the conversation." He listened eagerly to the venture until the tea showed up. It would appear that he's truly energized. Tea came. One plate with standard rolls. The visitors drank tea and played with extraordinary fulfillment. They were feeling a sort of solace when they went to Naqvi's home.

At the point when the tea meeting was finished, Naqvi plunked down. "How would I begin?"

"We wouldn't fret the manner in which you start," Afsan said.

Muntasir Mamun stated, "Well, what is the distinction among East and West Pakistanis?"

 

'Not terrible,' said Naqvi. At that point he started to talk gradually and obviously. Possibly the rest didn't talk any longer. Since, there was no need. Naqvi said that in spite of the decent variety of Muslims in India (the lifestyle of Muslims in every locale was the equivalent) they met up under one initiative and concurred on the parcel of India. In any case, and, after its all said and done they couldn't remain together. It was felt from the earliest starting point that it would not be conceivable to remain.

'Take the start,' said Naqvi. 'East Pakistan canceled the zamindari framework. In West Pakistan, the response was negative. Since the majority of the MPs of West Pakistan were zamindars. They thought the Bengalis were awful. They don't mean landowners. Mana remains away, their property is removed. They can't be permitted to come to control. The leaders of West Pakistan were a little gathering, the vast majority of whom were proprietors. They involved the Muslim League and gave up the legislature and the gathering to the administration. They had a decent connection with the administration. The predecessors of the landowners here got zamindari as endowments from English officials or commanders after 1857. So they consider the to be as coaches and aides. '

Mohiuddin stated, "It didn't transpire there."

'No, that didn't occur,' said Naqvi. 'For the initial 11 years of Pakistan, everything was in the possession of this gathering. Regardless of the amount they talk about the majority rules system, they were the regulators of intensity and the individuals who trusted in popular government have likewise been controlled. It applies to AK Fazlul Haque, Suhrawardy and Nazimuddin. '

Naqvi took a full breath, as though suspecting. At that point he stated, 'Presumably the main significant change came in the sixties after Ayub Khan came to control. The Bengalis are persuaded that they will never be permitted to come to control again. West Pakistanis, then again, felt this was the start of another period of the system. The overall idea that non military personnel officials had conveyed weapons for quite a while. In any case, the genuine force is in our grasp. So we will appreciate power. '

'At that point?'

'The emergency began with the military assuming control over force. The Pak-India war of 1965 just escalated the emergency. It tends to be felt considerably in the wake of hearing the discourse of a government official like Nurul Amin in the Parliament in November 1975. East Pakistan was totally unprotected and the rulers didn't have a migraine with it.

Be that as it may, Muntasir Mamun stated, "The Bengali armed force has battled earnestly to protect Pakistan, the learned people have been crusading."

'Indeed, even as far as financial reasoning,' said Naqvi, 'there was a change. Around then crafted by the third five-year plan has begun. What's more, that is the point at which the organization conflicted with the Bengali market analysts. Around then I did some examination regarding this matter. West Pakistan officials Kamar-ul-Islam, Mahbubul Haque and other people who were then youngsters, He chose to move resources worth Rs 100 crore from West Pakistan to East Pakistan. The choice was made by the Planning Commission yet it didn't work. Bengali business analysts got vocal, saying that Karachi was worked with jute cash. West Pakistan has consistently been misusing East Pakistan and has wasted around Rs 3,000 crore since 1947.

'The word is presumably not very misrepresented,' said Mamun.

"Misrepresentation involves detail, I won't go into it," said Naqvi. 'Yet, at that point new thoughts came into the West Pakistan quantity that they began supporting openly.' Naqvi demanded, 'I am utilizing the word promotion. The West Pakistan Planning Commission and different tops of the administration were upholding that we presently need to dispose of the Bengalis. Why? Since their populace is developing, that populace will move here. They will come up short on what we have left. These are our weights. What is the need to pull this weight? Comprehend the time. So 1971 didn't originate from paradise. '

This mentality was in West Pakistan from the earliest starting point. Naqvi said a gathering of Australian business analysts had come in the mid sixties to survey Pakistan's monetary potential. They were of the supposition that the capability of West Pakistan in horticulture was colossal. So let us put resources into agribusiness in West Pakistan and assemble industry in East Pakistan. Be that as it may, what occurred at long last? Naqvi stated, 'Chowdhury Mohammad Ali was the account serve at that point. He said to my companion Naziullah, why fabricate craftsmanship in East Bengal? They will leave. We will keep the business in West Pakistan. This is the thing that occurred in 1955. '

"We heard," said Mohiuddin. "Afterward, Kamar ul Islam and SM Ahmad additionally became adherents to this hypothesis."

'As a matter of fact I don't recollect the name in view of the time,' said Naqvi. 'I recall two names well. One is SM Ahmed, the other is Kamar ul Islam. However, not that they were conspicuous. Ayub Khan's 'Navaratna' were totally associated with this connivance. It's just plain obvious, the administration works like a finely woven thing. '

"Mr. Naqvi was discussing 1971," Afsan stated, attempting to get up to speed.

"Something else occurred before 1971," said Naqvi. 'A thought was brought into the world here that Bengalis are Hindus. Near their language culture. They share more for all intents and purpose with Hindus, so they are not impeccable Muslims. Furthermore, there is no doubt of treating non-genuine Muslims similarly. What the picture resembles, I mean, I don't

see well. It was by all accounts their adversary or resistance. They were viewed as virtual foes. I said virtual in light of the fact that I'm not genuine. '

He took a full breath and stated, "Okay like some tea?"

Subsequent to drinking the second round of tea, Mohiuddin squeezed the catch of the recording device and stated, 'We should begin.' The meeting appeared to be essential to them. Since Naqvi was stating everything transparently, flawlessly.

Mamun stated, 'We went directly to 1971. What did you know, what was occurring then in East Pakistan? We have posed this inquiry to many. Everybody said they knew nothing. "

'It's a fantasy,' said Naqvi in a somewhat irate voice. 'Around then the semiconductor upset was finished. The semiconductor has gone up to the town. Do we need to accept that nobody in this land has tuned in to All India Radio, BBC, Radio Iran or Kabul? The occasions of 1971 were communicated on all the radios. So much garbage discussion. Everybody had some thought. Besides, numerous families in Punjab were getting ordinary cash orders. What amount did a sepoy get around then? 100, 200 or 300 rupees. Be that as it may, he was sending 500 or 600 rupees to the town. Where was the additional cash originating from? He didn't have a pay off settlement! The Pakistani government has made this fantasy.

At that point came the subject of General Niazi's book. There was a great deal of discussion about this book at that point. Papers are additionally expounding on whether to apologize to Bangladesh or not. Mohiuddin Ahmed needed to know his announcement in such manner.

"There were Pakistani powers," Naqvi said in a shaking voice. 'Confused, plundering powers, they have plundered, carried out a wide range of violations beginning from assault. The comments of General Tikka Khan are evidence of how oblivious this military was. Subsequent to coming back from Dhaka, when columnists scrutinized the plundering, assault and murder, he said the quantity of assaults was misrepresented. Just 3,000, just 3,000 ladies have been assaulted. 'Naqvi's voice was shaking with outrage. "Presently Tikka, Yahya, Niazi, Bhutto are being accused, truth be told, for a definitive financial reason for the nation. Everybody is engaged with it. On the off chance that there is ever a discussion on the planet about how much monetary inspiration can settle on choices on helpful issues, at that point the instance of Pakistan can be refered to as an incredible model. There, enthusiasm for the economy decides everything. '

The interviewees stated, 'Numerous individuals in our conversations said that Pakistan is an Islamic nation, it is Pakistan's obligation to secure Islam. Numerous individuals attempt to build up such a coherent reason for the Bengalis as India or Hinduism in 1971.

"We have been living next to each other with Hindus for 7-800 years," Naqvi said. 'At the point when the Muslims chose not to remain with the Hindus, they shared the house. By what means will they be affected by second grade Hindu operators when they have political force in their grasp after autonomy? These are babble, publicity of the rulers. '

'Did you go to Bangladesh in 1971?' Asked Muntasir Mamun. 'Recollect an occurrence?'

'Indeed, columnists were taken from here to clarify that the circumstance was ordinary. I can just say that the most exceedingly terrible case of humankind has been made towards the Bengalis. We should discuss an occurrence. We were taken to an alleged outcast camp where Biharis were kept. A Pathan colonel was the authority of the camp. There was a ton of discussion about the abuse of the Bengalis on the Biharis. The authority stated, "When I blow up and tired subsequent to hearing this, I go to the town and execute a few people."

Naqvi's voice shuddered with feeling, 'In the town guiltless individuals line up and shoot. There are numerous such stories. Are they human or creature mediocre ... '. He was unable to complete the process of talking. The rest stayed quiet. Sooner or later, Anamna began saying in a tone, 'Understudies of Dhaka University have been slaughtered. A portrayal I need to spare to myself. I will compose and clarify the grievous way wherein such a significant number of understudies have been slaughtered. He remembers all the recollections, 'he stated, not finishing, he started to cry. The rest are befuddled. Their eyes are likewise clear. 'Shahidullah Kaiser, Professor Jyotirmoy Guhathakurta-these were my companions. They additionally got them and murdered them ... 'Naqvi snarled once more.

Muntasir Mamun killed the recording device.

This article is about a Pakistani journalist named M. B. Naqvi. He described his thoughts about the liberation war of Bangladesh with Muntasir Mamun, Mohiuddin Ahmed, and Afsan Chowdhury.

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